Saturday, August 29, 2009

Working conditions have improved – Better Factories



August 29, 2009 (Cambodia)

Better Factories, Cambodia, an organisation affiliated to the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has reported that the compliance of labour laws has improved amongst hundreds of factories, but these gains may be nullified due to the slowdown in the global economy.

Better Factories, works towards creating better working conditions in the manufacturing sector also acknowledged that around 60,000 jobs have been lost in the garment manufacturing sector since the last few months.

But experts from the apparel sector, question the figure of job losses quoted by Better Factories by saying that there are many units which are not registered with the ILO, since only exporting companies are obliged to register themselves.

There are over a 100 apparel manufacturing units which work on sub-contract from the bigger units and the working conditions of workers is very worse in these plants. Experts suggest that if the country wants to match the standards of China and Vietnam, these factories will also need to be brought under the ambit of ILO.

The report also delves upon the repeated number of strikes taking place in the garment sector in the country and says that the number of strikes have doubled in number from 12 to 23 in the first six months of 2009, with 17 of them reported from the garment export manufacturing sector.

Experts are of the opinion that these repeated strikes are hampering production cycles of export companies and bringing disrepute to the industry, which could prove to be harmful in the long run, when buyers decide to place orders with countries, with relatively less labour problems like India and Bangladesh.

According to the Free Trade Union of Workers, 78 factories have closed so far this year and the Commerce Ministry has projected a negative growth of 30 percent for garment exports in 2009. Experts have advised factories, not to cut wages as part of cost cutting measures to face challenges.

Fibre2fashion News Desk - India

Thailand in Pictures




Red shirt supporters of fugitive former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra during a protest in Bangkok. A court in the country has convicted and sentenced a female protester from the political movement to 18 years in prison for insulting the country's monarchy during anti-government rallies. (AFP/File/Nicolas Asfouri)


Darunee Charnchoengsilpakul, a supporter of ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra, gestures after leaving a courtroom in Bangkok August 28, 2009. A Thai court on Friday sentenced Darunee, a political campaigner, to 18 years in prison for insulting the monarchy, a serious offence in a country where the royal institution is revered and officially above politics.
REUTERS/Sukree Sukplang





Ordinands chant pray on the ground of the Golden Pagoda during the mass ordination at Dhamakaya temple in Pathumthani province, central Thailand Saturday, Aug. 29, 2009. More than 7,000 men from the provinces throughout the country ordained Buddhist monks in a ceremony on Saturday. The newly ordained Buddhist monks will practice their teachings at the temples in the rural areas until the end of Buddhist lent which this year falls on October 4.
(AP Photo/Apichart Weerawong)




A soldier stands guard next to a barricade at the Government House in Bangkok August 29, 2009. "Red shirt" supporters of ousted Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra have postponed Sunday's planned rally outside the office of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva because of a tight security law passed this week.REUTERS/Chaiwat Subprasom

Cambodia in Pictures

















The Washington Post's Support For Torture


by Andrew

In the latest release from those in the Bush administration and CIA who authorized and supported America's torture of prisoners of war, we get the following story today in the Washington Post. It details that Khaled Sheikh Mohammed gave up a wealth of information in the period after he was tortured by Cheney and Bush via the CIA. It does not and cannot prove that his information could not have been procured by legal or ethical interrogation methods. But what is interesting to me is the Washington Post's editorial and institutional position in favor of not calling waterboarding and sleep deprivation what they have always been called in every court of law and every society including the US in recent times: torture. They refuse to use the word "torture" for an act that is memorialized in Cambodia's museum of torture. That's how deeply the Washington Post is enmeshed in the pro-torture forces in Washington. The refusal to use this word is a clear, political act by the Post in defense of the Bush administration's torture and abuse policies. It places the Washington Post as an adjunct to the Bush-Cheney policy of torturing thousands of prisoners across every theater of war and across the globe.

For example, here's a classic couple of sentences where you have to strain to avoid the t-word:
Over a few weeks, he was subjected to an escalating series of coercive methods, culminating in 7 1/2 days of sleep deprivation, while diapered and shackled, and 183 instances of waterboarding. After the month-long torment, he was never waterboarded again.

"Coercive methods". "Torment". Notice something missing? Now read the piece stripped of its Orwellian newspeak:

Over a few weeks, he was subjected to an escalating series of brutal torture sessions - he was shackled naked to maintain a stress position for a month, the shackles cutting into his wrists and forcing his feet to swell painfully, culminating in 7 1/2 days of sleep deprivation, subjected to days and nights of loud noise and bright lights, while diapered and shackled, and 183 instances of waterboarding. After the month-long torture, he was not waterboarded again.

Now just imagine that we heard news that the soldier still captured by the Taliban in Afghanistan - mysteriously absent from the media since he went AWOL - had been subjected to these techniques. Do you believe that the Washington Post would not use the word "torture" to describe them? Of course they would. They have described John McCain's experience in Vietnam as torture, and yet what he endured was nothing like as brutal as what was done to KSM. Now check out the macho swaggering of Reuel Marc Berecht in the WSJ today, and Cheney's grandstanding on Fox tomorrow, and you see what the hard right, which now includes the Washington Post (having purged their only opinion columnist prepared to speak truth to torture power, Dan Froomkin), is doing.

And look at the cloak of anonymity given to "one former U.S. official with detailed knowledge of how the interrogations were carried out." This Bushie is the main force in the piece arguing - by inference, not provable data - that torture worked. Why is he given anonymity, especially since he is describing war crimes he and others conspired to commit? The WaPo explains: "he requested anonymity because the events are still classified." What? He is analyzing a document that has been declassified. There is absolutely no reason for the Post to give him anonymity, except to promote the neoconservative project of torture as the core means for the war against terrorism.

The fight for America to remain a torturing nation is resilient. It's what the neocons believe in: the torture of terror suspects, especially Arab or Muslim ones, even if there is no imminent threat of a WMD (and the interrogations found that al Qaeda was nowhere near a nuclear capacity). The Post omits but for one quote the fact that many regarded many of his claims after being tortured as being false. Here's how the WaPo deals with this dynamic: "Not all of it was accurate, but it was quite extensive." They omit KSM's statement to the International Red Cross that he gave large amounts of disinformation as well. And look at what the report said it discovered through torture:

Mohammed told interrogators that after the Sept. 11 attacks, his "overriding priority" was to strike the United States, but that he "realized that a follow-on attack would be difficult because of security measures." Most of the plots, as a result, were "opportunistic and limited," according to the summary.

So the US became a torturing nation to avoid plots that were "opportunistic and limited." Remember how the chief intellectual architect of the torture apparatus, Charles Krauthammer, defended torture solely in the case of ticking time bomb? There were no ticking time bombs, but the US used torture anyway. The lone hypothetical became instantly a rationale for torturing and abusing anyone for any reason suspected of being a terrorist. The rare exception became an ongoing government program of torture, absent any imminent threat of the scale that Krauthammer used to defend an elite cadre of professional torturers.

The fight must go on, as it must against the forces resisting every other kind of change in Washington, change that the American people insisted upon last fall. And the more vulnerable many neocons sense Obama is in the polls, the more furiously they will go about playing the Dolchstoss card, accusing the president of allying with terrorists to kill the American people. After the next attack, they will not blame al Qaeda, they will blame Obama. And they will do all they can to restore torture as the pre-eminent form of interrogation for the leader of the free world. This is the threat we face. Electing Obama was just the start of restoring the US as a nation governed by the rule and core moral decency. We are learning that more acutely with every day that passes.

Fugitive Denim


Saturday, August 29, 2009 , By Hilton Yip, The China Post

In this fascinating book, Rachel Louise Snyder takes a piece of everyday clothing, the humble but respected pair of jeans, and proceeds, through demonstrating the wide-ranging chain of globalization, to examine the different people and processes that are involved in making a pair of jeans from start to finish. Taking readers on a journey across the world, from cotton fields in Azerbaijan to designers in Italy to factories in Cambodia and China, Snyder presents an informative and moving account that showcases globalized manufacturing and the stories of the people who make their livelihood off of jeans manufacturing.

Touching on cotton picking, cultural clashes, global trade laws and factory labor standards, Fugitive Denim is part social commentary, part business book, and part primer for international trade and politics. With a lot of meticulous, detailed research and reporting, Snyder presents the stories of factory workers, denim designers and factory monitors, as well as the nitty-gritty of processes such as judging the quality of raw cotton and designing denim for making jeans. The book tends to veer a bit towards tedium in the latter parts due to the high amount of information.

Along with the stories of the people, Snyder also outlines the challenges faced by their countries, such as the shock and resignation among Italians of their famous clothing industry, including jeans of course moving to China.

The book features some interesting viewpoints that challenge conventional Western thoughts regarding factory workers and sweatshops. For instance, in Cambodia, one of the world's least developed and poorest countries, Snyder points out that garment factory workers often make about US$50 a month. Civil servants like police and teachers make an average of US$25-30. While many in the West are tempted to see these garment workers as largely oppressed, and some of them truly do suffer harsh work conditions, the work is also a form of liberation for these workers from a life of rural hardships and even restrictive cultural norms.

Despite the wealth of information and in-depth personal stories, the book is not very compelling due to a lack of a direct, overall message. There also isn't a direct connection that links the different people, for example the factory that the featured workers work in isn't the one that makes the jeans designed by the Italian designers profiled, other than that they're all vital in the manufacturing of jeans. Nevertheless it's still an insightful book that does well to show the human face behind globalization.

WTO Delhi meet to bat for poor nations


Sudheer Pal Singh & Jyoti Mukul
New Delhi August 30, 2009

Meeting will confine discussion to processes involved in building consensus among members

The informal ministerial meeting on the Doha trade negotiations to be held in New Delhi next week will throw open the issue of inclusiveness of developing economies, particularly the least developed countries (LDCs). The meeting will confine discussion to processes involved in building consensus among members of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and will not delve into the “content” of the negotiations or specific themes.

The inclusiveness concern of developing nations forms a part of the set of issues identified by the commerce ministry to be taken up for discussion in the ministerial meeting on a priority basis.

In a paper circulated among 36 participating nations for discussion in the meeting of senior officials, India has asked these countries to examine the extent of focus on development concerns of developing economies, particularly the least developed ones, even as systems are put in place to boost trade.

The official-level talks will happen a day before the ministerial talks begin on September 3.

The issues identified by the ministry in the paper form the blueprint for the direction the negotiators could give to the WTO ministers after the talks.

The paper asks the participants to deliberate on how can “the modalities for LDCs be tailored to ensure effective market access for their products as well as to provide meaningful assistance for them to build capacity in order to benefit from this round”.

The LDC group comprises the world’s 32 poorest countries in the WTO with common interests and includes Angola, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Congo, Maldives, Nepal, Tanzania, Myanmar and the Central African Republic, among others. Tanzania is the coordinator of the group.

India has also asked officials to dwell upon how the timeline of 2010 for concluding the Doha round can be met and if it is possible to build sufficient consensus for another informal ministerial meeting to review the progress by December this year.

The paper also directs officials to ensure progress in areas other than the conventional issues of agriculture and the non-agricultural market access (NAMA).

“Negotiations in Geneva have so far focused on building consensus on agriculture and NAMA. This is in consonance with the sequencing envisaged in the Hong Kong Ministerial Declaration,” said the discussion paper. Another important point of consideration in the New Delhi ministerial is abstaining from any new approach towards the negotiations.

“Of late, new ideas have been floated to alter the concept of the modalities, for instance, enhanced transparency, a no-surprises package and complete modalities. In light of the 2010 timeline, members may like to reflect on the necessity for and the implications of changing a tried and tested process,” said the paper.

Last month, referring to this newly-proposed approach of skipping the discussions on modalities, Commerce Minister Anand Sharma had said, “This is not agreeable to India. There should be a discussion on modalities first.”

During discussions in the WTO Trade Negotiations Committee (TNC) last month, negotiators, while welcoming the improving “signals of political commitment” to Doha, had expressed concern over a host of unresolved issues, not just in agriculture and NAMA but also in services and trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights.

The commerce ministry has said that the objective of the Delhi ministerial meeting is to “weave together” the separate signals of commitment to move the multilateral process forward. The meeting, in which members from around 36 countries are likely to participate, “is not aimed at any specific agenda. It only tries to build the consensus on how ministers would like to see the process of negotiation fast-tracked”, Commerce Secretary Rahul Khullar had said last week.

39 years after jungle battle, unit awarded


Courtesy of John Poindexter Cavalrymen, along with an infantryman (dressed in the ammunition vest), exhibit wildlife found in the Vietnamese jungle

Courtesy of John Poindexter An Alpha Troop platoon in a tight daytime defensive position while on patrol

Courtesy of John Poindexter A few of the Alpha Troop members at rest, along with a South Vietnamese soldier

Courtesy of John Poindexter Cavalrymen pose outside of an M113, nicknamed "Hussar."

By Michelle Tan - Staff writer
Saturday Aug 29, 2009

The news filtered down to Capt. John Poindexter and his troops around noon.

Four kilometers away from their position, an infantry company was surrounded by a battalion’s worth of North Vietnamese fighters. The Americans were running low on ammunition, and casualties were mounting.

Poindexter reached a decision — a decision he and his soldiers knew they had to make.

“The choice, to me, was one of [the] certainty of suffering versus a lifetime of guilt,” he said. “It was a collective realization of what we were getting ourselves into, but the consequence was to see a hundred men killed.”

For the next eight hours, Poindexter and his soldiers would battle the jungle and a determined, dug-in enemy force as they fought their way to their fellow soldiers.

The battle that day, March 26, 1970, was fierce and bloody.

But almost 40 years would pass before Poindexter and his men would be recognized for their courage and valor.

This fall, A Troop, 1st Squadron, 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment, will receive the Presidential Unit Citation, a unit award equivalent to the Distinguished Service Cross, the Army’s second-highest valor award behind only the Medal of Honor.

The award for A Troop is the result of five years of painstakingly detailed work led by Poindexter, who learned almost 30 years after what he calls the “anonymous battle” that his men never received the individual awards for which they were nominated.

The battle was mentioned briefly in a book Poindexter read called “Into Cambodia,” by Keith William Nolan. In the book, one of the soldiers was quoted as saying he and his fellow soldiers were nominated for awards but never received them.

“I resolved then, 30 years later, to resolve that terrible wrong,” said Poindexter, who volunteered for the Army in 1966, when he was 22, even though he had a job and was attending graduate school in New York.

Poindexter served in Vietnam from June 1969 to July 1970, leaving the Army after his tour.

In 2003, he began his research into the Presidential Unit Citation, tracking down former soldiers for their statements and assembling documentation. He spent a year writing the nomination packet for the award, detailing his soldiers’ actions from so long ago.

Poindexter submitted the nomination in late 2004, and it was approved in late 2008 by the Secretary of the Army. The Army issued the general order for the award in April 2009.

According to the citation for the award, “after being exhausted by months of continuous combat operations, [the soldiers of A Troop] volunteered to rescue Company C, 2nd Battalion, 8th Cavalry, a 1st Cavalry Division unit surrounded by an overwhelming enemy force near the Cambodian border, in The Dog’s Face, War Zone C, in Tay Ninh Province of the Republic of Vietnam.”

The soldiers of C Company were fighting a battalion of the 272nd North Vietnamese Army Regiment.

The enemy resisted hours of bombardment and was expected to “destroy or capture the 100 American infantrymen within hours,” according to the citation.

According to the citation, “Troop A skillfully penetrated four kilometers of nearly impassable jungle terrain and unhesitatingly mounted a fierce assault directly into the heavily fortified North Vietnamese Army position. The soldiers faced down “withering” machine gun, automatic rifle, rocket-propelled grenade and recoilless rifle fire as they forced the enemy away from C Company and inflicted heavy casualties.

Poindexter estimates there were at least 75 U.S. casualties that day, including seven dead.

Poindexter said he is proudest of his men.

His soldiers “had options, mostly didn’t have to be there, and once there, didn’t have to perform as they did, but chose to on their own volition,” he said. “But [they] then were not recognized for their valor for 39 years.”

The award represents the sacrifices made by all who served in Vietnam, Poindexter said.

Khmer Rouge trial enthrals Cambodian public


29 August 09 - The ongoing Khmer Rouge tribunal here of Kaing Guek Eav, known as Comrade Duch, has heard some highly charged testimony in recent weeks, as civil parties have told the court of how the murders of their loved ones ruined their lives.

Robert Carmichael/IPS - On Aug. 17 it was the turn of French national Martine Lefeuvre, who was married to Cambodian diplomat Ouk Keth, to testify.

At the invitation of the Khmer Rouge government, Ouk Keth returned to Phnom Penh in 1977 to help rebuild the nation, but was immediately arrested, tortured for six months and then killed at the infamous Tuol Sleng, otherwise known as S-21, prison that Duch (pronounced Doik) ran.

Duch is the first senior Khmer Rouge cadre to be tried in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, or the Khmer Rouge tribunal, which is backed by the United Nations (UN). He faces a life sentence on charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes, as well as homicide and torture.

Her husband’s fate unknown to her, Lefeuvre told the court how she searched for several years for news of her missing husband. In 1980 a family friend in a refugee camp on the Thai-Cambodian border told her he had seen Ouk Keth’s name on a list of people murdered at S-21, a former high school that the Khmer Rouge converted into a prison in 1975. Ouk Keth was one of more than 15,000 thought to have been tortured and executed in the Tuol Sleng (which means ‘Hill of the Poisonous Tree’) facility under Duch’s command.

Lefeuvre returned to France and her two young children.

"I had to tell my children that they must grow up without their daddy," she said breaking down. "My son, who was seven, and my daughter, who was four and a half, asked me every day: ‘Have you seen Daddy? Will we see Daddy again?’ I had to tell them, no, they will never see their daddy again."

Much of the testimony from the tribunal is harrowing, and the experiences of many Cambodians explain why many do not talk about what happened under the Khmer Rouge regime that ruled the country between 1975 and 1979. Around two million people are thought to have died under one of the most brutal regimes in recent history.

But telling Cambodians about those terrible years is a key part of the remit of the joint U.N.-Cambodian tribunal, said Reach Sambath, the head of the tribunal’s public affairs office.

That is a challenge here, where around 85 percent of people live in rural areas, and illiteracy is widespread.

For that reason, the court endorses a number of methods of informing the public, Reach Sambath said. One method that his office runs, for example, is to bus in people from across the country to watch proceedings in the 500- seat auditorium. By mid-August more than 17,000 Cambodians from across the country had attended the trial, he said.

The public affairs office, which operates with limited resources, also produces material that is distributed online and by hand at the court itself. But measured in sheer numbers, the most successful way of letting Cambodians know about the proceedings and workings of the tribunal is through the use of television and radio.

The tribunal’s daily proceedings are broadcast live on national television every day. But many people do not have the time to spend four days a week following events, which is where a surprisingly successful television show has come in.

The weekly half-hour TV show, which is mainly funded by the British Embassy, is entirely independent of the tribunal’s public affairs office. It is broadcast by national broadcaster Cambodia Television Network in its prime lunchtime slot on Mondays and repeated the following day.

The show’s producer, Matthew Robinson of independent production company Khmer Mekong Films, said between two and three million people watch it each week – a sizeable proportion of the South-east Asian country’s 15 million population.

The format is straightforward enough. Robinson, an experienced British producer and director who lives in Phnom Penh, says that two presenters and a guest examine the events of the previous week.

Co-presenter Neth Pheaktra said the purpose of the show is to provide a concise summary of Duch’s trial, which began on February 17.

"During the 24 minutes of the programme we have the summary, the diary of the Duch trial, and the key points that the witness, the defendant and the judges reveal in the court," Neth Pheaktra said.

According to Robinson a key challenge when devising the format was to create a show that was relatively simple to make but that would appeal to the target audience of mainly rural and often poorly educated Cambodians.

"Then (we mould) them all together in a fairly fast-moving way in language that our audience could understand and be interested in," he explained, "so that over a short period, you have seen the most important things in the proceedings that week."

Ung Chan Sophea, the other presenter, said the show’s writers ensure that the scripted wording is as simple as possible, even when trying to convey the complicated legal jargon that characterises legal proceedings.

That is something the live feed, understandably, cannot do.

At a small coffee shop in Phnom Penh, Mao Sophea said he loves the analysis the show provides of the week’s proceedings.

"For me this is a good show, and the presenters are excellent too," he said. "But to tell you the truth, I haven’t heard too many people talking about it – most of the people I know prefer to watch the all-day broadcasts."

And not everyone is a convert. Lah Yum, seated at another table, hardly watches it "because I am normally asleep during lunchtime when this show is broadcast."

But some of Lah Yum’s friends do watch it, and as the trial of Duch heads towards its conclusion, they are interested in more than just the proceedings. They want to see what the process and the verdict will mean to those who lost loved ones under the Khmer Rouge regime:

"What they are waiting to see is how the trial will manage to deliver justice for the families of the victims," he said.

For love of tomatoes: Couple has cultivated a bountiful life


Saran Gnoato, originally from Cambodia, grows tomatoes in her garden at home on Netop Drive in South Providence. The Providence Journal / Sandor Bodo

Saturday, August 29, 2009
By Mark Reynolds
Journal Staff Writer

PROVIDENCE — Saran Gnoato and her husband are an unlikely couple who came to Rhode Island from opposite sides of the world, overcoming war and cultural barriers to discover a mutual affection for a ripe, juicy, homegrown tomato.

The tomatoes they grow in the backyard of their Elmwood home from imported seeds have resisted the blight that has affected many tomato crops this summer. And they are big. Some weigh in at 2½ pounds.

The success the couple have had growing the fruit may have something to do with the place tomatoes have had in their lives.

Gnoato says that tomatoes make her happy, and she realizes now that what her mother and her grandmother told her when she was a little girl was quite true. They told her that a homegrown garden would help her “eat good and look good and see the flowers,” she says. She could do it herself and never need to worry about anything, they told her.

“It’s true,” she says. “I have a happy life. You can see. My husband comes home from work. We have a beautiful house and a great yard where everyone wants to be. You can see.”

Her adoring neighbors, quite aware of the tomato-growing talents next door, visit often. Gnoato, 53, sends them home each summer with thm home each summer with their hands full. Sometimes she even pushes her produce on strangers who pass by her Netop Drive home.

Gnoato’s family never bought vegetables from the market when she was growing up in western Cambodia in the ’60s.

Each morning when she headed off to school, she saw her mother and grandmother tending tomatoes and cucumbers and rosemary in the garden.

The tomatoes were her favorite. She relished the flavor and texture of the fruit’s skin.

This bucolic farming life came to a violent end in 1975 when the brutal regime of Pol Pot came to power. She was 19 years old when the Khmer Rouge took control of her neighborhood.

One of her older brothers, an army captain, was slain.

The Khmer Rouge corralled the family into a work camp, where she had to make do without fresh vegetables. The Khmer would dilute two or three cans of soup in a massive bowl of water to serve a large group of people. Death was everywhere, she recalls.

“They wanted to kill us,” she says.

An estimated 1.7 million Cambodians died of starvation, disease, torture and overwork in the camps during Pol Pot’s four-year reign, which focused on creating a peasant society — the communist ideal in the view of the Khmer Rouge.

Visions of a happier, more-nourished existence crept into Gnoato’s mind whenever the work at the camp ceased and she had a chance to sit down, often on a hillside. In those moments, she told herself she didn’t need to be rich if she ever made it to a free country. No. She only needed good food.

Tomatoes.

She escaped with her parents and three siblings in the fall of 1979. They hiked into southern Thailand, where they were held in an internment camp near the Cambodian border.

A year later, the young woman arrived in Rhode Island. She was hired at Scuccato Corp., an East Providence jewelry manufacturer.

Despite her malformed fingers, a birth defect, she became an expert jewelry solderer, controlling a needle-like tool with a 3,000-degree flame. She churned out bracelets, necklaces and other pieces of jewelry.

Her future husband, Daniel Gnoato, a toolmaker, arrived from Italy on a Wednesday in 1984 and met her that Saturday at a wedding reception. He, too, loved tomatoes. But the subject didn’t come up early on.

In general, they didn’t say much to each other because he didn’t speak English and she didn’t speak Italian. His sister didn’t like the idea of him dating a Cambodian, and her mother slapped her for going out on dates with someone she hadn’t married.

She says she worried for some time that marriage would require the sort of submissiveness that husbands frequently demand from wives in Cambodian culture.

The couple didn’t discover their mutual tomato love until about five years after they had met. By then, they were married and living on Netop Drive.

They planted their first crop on a St. Patrick’s Day.

He tilled an area in the yard and fertilized it with manure, moss and lime; she planted the seeds and watered religiously, often early in the morning.

But the tomatoes from that garden just weren’t up to snuff.

“They weren’t meaty enough,” says Daniel Gnoato, a 58-year-old machinist at Electric Boat in Quonset.

So about eight years ago, during a summer visit to see his family in Bassano del Grappa, Italy, they picked up some high-grade European seed. They planted the seeds the following March and harvested the new crop that summer.

The neighbors have been awestruck ever since.

Conflicts sap Australian sentiment in Thailand


Durieux: Regional rivals set to gain.

Bangkok Post
http://www.bangkokpost.com

Writer: NAREERAT WIRIYAPONG
Published: 29/08/2009

Continuing political confrontations and escalating violence in the southernmost provinces have dampened Thailand's investment climate and could jeopardise the government's attempts to revive the Thai economy, said the Australian-Thai Chamber of Commerce.

Foreign direct investment is critical for Thailand as the tourism and export sectors are battling the downturn, said chamber president Andrew Durieux.

"Ongoing political problems and violence in the South make it more difficult for foreign investors to move here, set up or increase their investment in Thailand," he said.

Exports are vital for the Thai economy but will not recover without a global rebound, he said. Meanwhile, tourism faces the fresh blow of the H1N1 epidemic as well as militant attacks in the South.

"Thailand requires foreign investments to move the economy forward. (But) foreign investors are now being put off by political issues and the problems need to be fixed," he said.

Although Thailand has huge advantages in its geographical location and natural resources, Australian companies have started to shift their focus to neighbouring countries such as Cambodia and Vietnam and also to southern Africa.

"Neighbouring countries - even Cambodia - have bs - even Cambodia - have become much more open for foreign investors. Among our top investment destinations are now Vietnam and Malaysia. And, of course, China continues to draw Australian dollars in the form of investment," he said.

Foreign investors need stability, the rule of law, consistent regulations and government assistance to make foreign investments operate smoothly, he said.

Customs and labour laws must be improved to increase Thailand's appeal to foreign investors, he said. Opening up the banking sector and loosening regulations would also pave the way for more investment.

"It is now difficult for foreigners to get loans from banks. They have sought funds locally to avoid the fluctuation of the Thai baht," he said.

Auscham has 450 corporate members in Thailand, many of them involved in mining, metals, education, services, tourism and hospitality.

Each year, about 5,000 Thai students graduate in Australia and return home while 20,000 Australians visit Thailand, including tourists, investors, long-term expatriates and retirees.

But the Board of Investment (BoI) reports that Australian companies made only three investment applications in the first seven months of this year with a total value of 88 million baht - a sharp decline from 11 projects with a value of 2.14 billion baht in the same period of last year.

In all 2008, direct investment from Australia to Thailand totalled 3.2 billion baht, said the BoI.

CAMBODIA Young women take on leading roles in Church ministries


Srey Ponhacka (in pink) with students from the Paul Tep Im Center

August 27, 2009

PHNOM PENH (UCAN) -- Young Cambodian women are rising to leadership roles in Church institutions in their male-dominated society.

Women are no less capable than men in performing managerial tasks, asserts Srey Ponhacka, 29, director of Paul Tep Im Center, a boarding house for high-school and university students in Battambang.

Next month she will start work in Phnom Penh as manager of St. Clara Student Center, which houses about 20 women university students from around the country.

Ponhacka sees her service as "a chance to return a good deed to the Church." The woman, who comes from a poor family, said the Church had supported her university studies and helped with her medical needs.

Acknowledging that men have traditionally filled leadership roles in Cambodia, she said it is up to women to see themselves as valuable -- able to manage projects and to be a moral force in society. "Women are not weak, as the men say," Ponhacka remarked.

Jesuit Father John Evens Ashley, director of the Catholic Church Students Center (CCSC) in Phnom Penh, agrees that women can run things as well as men. And he is giving another Cambodian woman, Hun Saren, a chance to prove it.

The priest said he recently chose her as his successor, in line with the Church's objective to have Cambodians head local Church projects.

Saren, 29, will take over the job in September after previously working for a human rights NGO. She said she wants to minister to young people and help them face modern challenges. The center provides material and spiritual support to poor students from the provinces who do university studies in the capital.

Another young woman in a leadership position is Keo Kagnha, deputy director of the Catholic Social Communications (CSC) office in Phnom Penh since last March. The 23-year-old describes being responsible for the CSC's accounts and radio production as "very hard work."

"Sometimes I have to spend more than 10 hours a day and also the weekend (at the office) to finish my work," she said. However, she also said she considers her workplace her "second home" and feels happy to "bring Jesus' message to the people."

Soun Bunnareth, 26, who heads the cultural office of Battambang apostolic prefecture, incorporates artistic creativity in her work, which includes creating liturgical dances for children based on traditional Khmer dance forms.

Sister Ang Sangvat, who runs a girl's hostel in Prey Veng province, sees women today as capable, clever, brave and independent.

"Now there are many young women who have the chance to study and get good jobs," the Lovers of the Holy Cross nun pointed out, saying she supports moves to allow women to head Church projects.